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Fitch warns of toll troubles

Details
Public Private Partnerships
Article from: www.thenewspaper.com/news/35/3586.asp


Credit Ratings Agency Warns of Tolling Troubles
Fitch Ratings reports toll roads imperiled by lack of sustained growth in the economy.

Fitch reportToll roads at one point appeared to be unstoppable. Steady growth in traffic yielded rapidly rising profits, especially for pioneers in the field such as Australia's Macquarie Bank where executives became so rich from deals that included the leasing of US roads that it was dubbed the "millionaires' factory." That all changed when the recession took hold and motorists scaled back on the mileage driven each year. Losses began to mount, and as a report released last week by Fitch Ratings argues, the dynamics for tolling may not improve in the near future.

"Fitch tracks data on toll roads, bridges, and tunnels across its ratings portfolio," Fitch analysts wrote in the report, Downshifting: US Transportation Reacts as GDP Growth Flattens. "Traffic declined year over year as much as 10 percent during the Great Recession. Sustained positive growth in traffic commenced in February 2010. The most recent Fitch data indicates that growth in traffic volumes began slowly declining on tolled facilities, heading to zero growth in second-quarter 2011."

The US Bureau of Transportation Statistics reported a similar decline in commercial transportation services for both goods and passengers. Despite some recovery, the index remains below pre-recession levels. These transportation statistics mirror figures for consumer spending which began recovering early last year only to falter this March. Growth in consumer spending for the second quarter of 2011 was under 0.1 percent.

The credit ratings agency argues activity in the economy at large and the in the transportation sector are directly linked. When someone gets a job, he generally gets in his car to drive to work. When stores sell goods, the supplies, raw materials and final product are usually transported by truck. When unemployment is high and sales are low, such transportation activity drops.

"Higher oil and other commodity prices account for some of the change in consumer spending," the analysts explained. "Unlike past downturns, these prices are increasingly influenced by external factors as well as US demand. Consumers are reacting to increased prices and a weak labor market with belt tightening."

Fitch will not downgrade any existing credit ratings for toll roads because these operations have a monopoly position that enables them to recover from downturns by hiking tolls that many motorists have no choice but to pay.

"Tolled facilities have experienced low and even negative traffic growth since 2007," the analysts stated. "Revenues have grown at a much higher rate as facility operators reacted to the downturn by raising rates to preserve financial and operational flexibility."

The ratings agency warned that sustained periods of low economic growth imperils the financing of deals built with healthier traffic and economic forecasts in mind.

"Most public infrastructure facilities should be able to weather little to no growth scenarios over the next three to five years," Fitch wrote. "However, there are a number of issuers whose escalating debt profiles could pose a problem in the medium term. Newer toll facilities generally have such debt service profiles... Stand-alone, concession-based facilities, originally financed in 2006 - 2008 when expectations for future economic growth were very high, will be more vulnerable."

_____________________________________________________________

Link to article here.

2010 recovery in toll traffic stopped in Q2, unprecedented stall-out - Fitch Ratings

Posted on Sun, 2011-09-11 23:30
 
Fitch Ratings say in a recent report that traffic on toll facilities ceased to grow in the second quarter of this year, suggesting the weak recovery from the 2008-2009 recession in 2010 and first quarter 2011 has stalled. An accompanying graph shows 4/11 traffic and revenue as still growing but at 2 to 3% versus a healthy revenue growth 5% year-on-year -  rather constant for a year through the first quarter.

Fitch says this "second dip" is unprecedented. No recovery in the past 40 years has seen such marked stoppage before pre-recession levels are reached.

Traffic has been growing through to the second quarter but less strongly than toll revenue,  the difference reflecting an increase in average toll rates. But growth in traffic along with revenue has plunged towards zero since, the Fitch report says.

They see approximate "zero growth" now.

Untolled roads too

They say untolled roads are experiencing a pattern of stagnant year-on-year traffic numbers in recent months similar to that of toll facilities.

They write: "It is important to note that this second dip in the trajectory is very different from any seen over the past 40 years."

Reflection of consumer spending

Fitch analysts say the stall-out of traffic recovery is a reflection of the deterioration of the US and world economy over the summer.

"The direction of the economy and the general economic climate has become uncertain over the summer months. The housing market shows rising delinquencies; firms are holding back on expansion plans; and consumers are husbanding their financial resources. The recent dramatic decline in the U.S. stock markets and the overhang of the debt crisis may keep consumers in a conservative posture. Consequently, the prospects for near-term growth in traffic volumes in transportation infrastructure facilities as seen in late 2010 now seem low."

Higher toll rates have boosted revenues

The only good news from Fitch is many tollers have found they can increase revenue with higher toll rates. Those motorists who are traveling apparently find the benefits of tolled travel greater than the cost, so total revenues are up compared to pre-recession levels, though traffic volume has not recovered.

Growth prospects now "low"

Whereas by late 2010 it looked as though there was a recovery under way that would continue through this year and next, the prospects for growth are now  "low."

How does the a no-growth scenario affect the viability of tollers whose capital was raised in a more optimistic atmosphere?

Most will weather the no-growth period for 3 to 5 years

Fitch Ratings say most "should be able to weather little or no-growth scenarios over the next three to five years." But a number of bond issuers could find escalating debt a problem "medium term."

This includes several "newer toll facilities" and airports.

No agencies are named, but they say:

"For such facilities, an extended period of limited or flat growth in volume will require they make more dramatic increases in tolls/airline rates and charges coupled with continued expense reductions to maintain their credit profile. Stand-alone, concession-based facilities, originally financed in 2006−2008 when expectations for future economic growth were very high, will be more vulnerable."

SIDENOTE: Metropolitan Washington Airports Authority (MWAA) had its bonds recently downrated in a quite separate Fitch analysis. MWAA has been borrowing heavily to expand capacity at Washington Dulles International Airport and the poor air traffic has depressed landing fee revenues, making the debt for expansion tougher to support.

But MWAA also has plans to issue $3.2b in toll revenue bonds as part of its underwriting of the extension of the DC metrorail system to Dulles airport and beyond. Huge revenue increases will be needed on the Dulles Toll Road to support this. Studies on the future likely traffic and revenue on the Toll Road by consultants Wilbur Smith Associates won't be done until year's end.

Strangely the Fitch rationale for the MWAA downrating focuses exclusively on the airport portion of MWAA business, making no references to the extraordinary rail debt planned to be borne by the Toll Road.

The major report cited here is titled "Downshifting: US transportation reacts as GDP growth flattens."

Named analysts are Thomas McCormick, Michael McDermott, Cherian George and Jeffrey Lack.

TOLLROADSnews 2011-09-11

Perry denies support of NAFTA superhighway

Details
Public Private Partnerships
Link to article here.

Okay, Perry must be having a total break from reality is he thinks he can tell such a bald-faced lie and get away with it while he's under the media microscope of a presidential campaign. Perry is truly trying to re-make himself as he runs for president...is he for real? After shoving the Trans Texas Corridor (TTC) down Texans throats for the last 8 years in stubborn defiance against the tens of thousands of Texas who rose-up to oppose the the TTC, he honestly thinks he can get away with this denial of his support for it? Had it not been for a Texas-sized uprising, the Trans Texas Corridor would have NEVER been repealed from the transportation code in June of this year! To add insult to injury, Perry also signed into law another bill that still allows 15 Texas roads to be sold off to these foreign companies using public private partnerships. So the pie in the sky TTC is over, but a smaller version built in segments will commence.

Rick Perry Says He Opposes Globalist Super Highway

Kurt Nimmo
Infowars.com
September 15, 2011

During a call-in radio show in Des Moines, Iowa, declared GOP presidential candidate Rick Perry told a whopper. He said the idea of a NAFTA Super Highway (or Trans-Texas Highway) does not appeal to him.

“I’m looking for a candidate that is actually going to walk their talk, so I want to know how Gov. Perry justifies being in a Bilderberg meeting and also in my research and reading, I’ve read that he is interested in joining Canada, United States and Mexico and developing our currency as an ‘Amero.’ That doesn’t appeal to me at all, I think our sovereignty is at threat,” the caller said.

“I agree with you there. It doesn’t appeal to me at all either,” Perry responded.

In fact, the idea of linking Mexico, the United States and Canada via a transnational highway appeals to Perry so much that his campaign website lists it as one of his accomplishments.

Perry was a well-paid pimp for the globalist “corridor” that would take a big bite out of the sovereignty of the United States.

Rachel Alexander writes:

Construction of the Trans-Texas Corridor began in 2007. Perry received substantial campaign contributions from the companies expected to benefit from the construction, Cintra Concesiones de Infraestructuras de Transport and Zachry Construction Company. Cintra is a Spanish-owned company that would own the toll roads. This arrangement has been accused of being a hidden tax payable to a foreign corporation. Zachry was selected by the Texas Department of Transportation to construct the Trans-Texas Corridor.

Perry and the elite tried to sell the highway concept as nothing more than a “free trade” arrangement between neighbors, but in fact, as Jerome Corsi and others have documented, it “goes well beyond simple free trade agreements and purposely disguises efforts to subvert U.S. sovereignty to an entity that would operate much like the European Union,” as Alexander puts it.

Corsi and Judicial Watch made repeated Freedom of Information Act requests and received over a thousand pages of material affirming the globalist plan.

Perry’s disavowal, however, of the Amero appellation stands up. I can’t find any evidence that he ever supported the concept, although he brags about being a minion of the globalists on his campaign website.

On the subject of the 2007 Bilderberg meeting, Perry attempts to defuse and minimize it by stating that he only attended once and talked about energy.

Fact of the matter is Rick Perry violated the Logan Act when he trekked to Istanbul, Turkey, to attend the secretive meeting.

The Logan Act states:

Any citizen of the United States, wherever he may be, who, without authority of the United States, directly or indirectly commences or carries on any correspondence or intercourse with any foreign government or any officer or agent thereof, with intent to influence the measures or conduct of any foreign government or of any officer or agent thereof, in relation to any disputes or controversies with the United States, or to defeat the measures of the United States, shall be fined under this title or imprisoned not more than three years, or both.

“Rick Perry seems to have attempted to get ahead of accusations that he was violating the act in making the visit by claiming the trip was paid for out of campaign contributions and not by taxpayers, but this is inconsequential,” Paul Joseph Watson wrote on May 31, 2007.

It is inconsequential because he violated U.S. law and should be held responsible for doing so.

It’s too bad the caller didn’t point this out. It would have probably put an entirely different spin on the conversation.

Ten pillars deemed flawed on US 290 project

Details
Regional Mobility Authority

Link to article here.

This is what happens when our highway department outsources its expertise and project management to these new Regional Mobility Authorities that have no earthly idea how to build highways. They're Rick Perry's Wall Street JP Morgan-Chase-First Southwest cocktails specializing in "innovative financing" and building debt bombs (like the subprime mortgage crisis), not highways. We have got to get  rid of these RMAs and of Perry's attempt underway to re-make of the highway department into a Goldman Sachs finance zone (eventually on track for massive taxpayer bailouts -- think Greece), and get back to TxDOT building traditional state highways (that used to be the envy of the nation).

Jacobs is also the firm that engineered the southern ramps of the 281/1604 interchange in San Antonio and it's also conducting the US 281 environmental impact study that involves preliminary engineering and cost estimates. FYI, Webber may be Houston-based, but it was purchased by Cintra's parent company, Ferrovial a few years back. So this is what we get when Cintra's on the job. We have confidence in none of the above!

10 pillars on U.S. 290 tollway project deemed flawed

By Ben Wear
AMERICAN-STATESMAN STAFF

Updated: 10:21 p.m. Thursday, Sept. 15, 2011

Published: 9:10 p.m. Thursday, Sept. 15, 2011

Ten concrete columns were built either too high or too low on the U.S. 290 tollway project in Northeast Austin and will have to be replaced or altered, an official with the Central Texas Regional Mobility Authority said Thursday.

Two columns will be completely rebuilt. The other eight must be shortened or made higher.

The cost of the reconstruction efforts will be borne by the project's general contractor, Webber LLC , because the error was determined to be Webber's fault, said Steve Pustelnyk , spokesman for the mobility authority. Pustelnyk said the added work will not delay opening of the first mile and a half of the 6.2-mile Manor Expressway project, which will be owned and operated by the local toll agency and will run from U.S. 183 to just west of Manor.

He said that first phase of the tollway, including the four flyover bridges, should open by late 2012 .

The flyovers, which will connect U.S. 183 with what will be new, tolled express lanes on U.S. 290, are being built under a $52.5 million contract. The first section of toll lanes and access roads is being built under another $207.3 million contract, also with Webber.

That company is also the general contractor on the mobility authority's five-mile extension of the 183-A tollway in Leander and Cedar Park, a $75.7 million project that should open by spring.

Pustelnyk said Webber is "in concurrence that the cost is theirs."

Mario Menendez , general counsel with Houston-based Webber, said Thursday that he was not familiar with the problem and could not comment on whether his company was at fault, or whether it will cover the cost of repairs. Nor could he say what that cost would be.

"Certainly we're going to stand behind the contractual obligations we've assumed," Menendez said.

The flawed columns involved three of the four flyover bridges in the project: two on the flyover that connects eastbound U.S. 290 to northbound U.S. 183, four on the flyover that connects westbound U.S. 290 to southbound U.S. 183, and four on the flyover that connects northbound U.S. 183 to eastbound U.S. 290.

The problem was discovered about two months ago as crews were attempting to suspend a steel beam between concrete columns and found that "things were not lining up the way they were supposed to," Pustelnyk said.

But the origins of the flaw go back about two years, before construction began in spring 2010 .

Pustelnyk said that an original set of plans for the interchange by Jacobs Engineering Group , when it was reviewed by Webber, were found lacking. So Jacobs redesigned the project and the resulting plans were approved by the mobility authority and Webber.

However, "for an unknown reason, the old set of design plans was used to build these particular columns," Pustelnyk said, and that mistake was not discovered until they had been built. Initially, officials thought only one column was built under the wrong specifications, but a follow-up investigation confirmed that 10 of 117 would have to be altered.

On Thursday, one of those flawed columns and its triangular "bearing seat" on top was part way through a demolition effort in the median between the eastbound and westbound lanes of U.S. 290.

Pustelnyk said the new columns will be structurally sound. "Any of the changes that are being done have been reviewed and approved by licensed engineers," he said.

A column on the MoPac Boulevard (Loop 1)/U.S. 290 flyover project in Southwest Austin, found by inspectors to have inadequate concrete, had to be rebuilt earlier this year. That episode on the Texas Department of Transportation project was followed a few months later by the bankruptcy of the Nevada-based contractor and abandonment of the job. A new contractor resumed work this week on that job.

U.S. 290 in Northeast Austin is likewise part of the state highway system under TxDOT's control. But TxDOT ceded control two years ago of the future tollway section to the mobility authority.

New York & New Jersey steep toll hikes draw threats of legal action

Details
News

Link to article here.

I've seen it all, now government is raising tolls from $8 to $12 on bridges in a single jump to help pay to re-build the World Trade Center! Runaway taxation run amok! Holding commuters hostage to government wish lists.

Bridge, Tunnel Toll Hikes Now in Effect

Monday, Sep 19, 2011  |  Updated 6:39 AM EDT

NBC News - New York

Commuters crossing bridges and tunnels between New York City and New Jersey are now paying higher toll prices as a result of the price hike passed last month by the Port Authority.
The new toll, which went into effect at 3 a.m. Sunday, is $12 each way for cash-paying drivers crossing the George Washington Bridge, Holland Tunnel, Lincoln Tunnel, Goethals Bridge, Bayonne Bridge and Outerbridge Crossing. That's a $4 increase over the previous toll price of $8.

E-ZPass users now pay $9.50 for each trip during peak hour, up from $8.

By December 2015 cash tolls will increase gradually to $15 under the plan approved Aug. 19. Peak-hour tolls for E-ZPass users will rise gradually to $12.50.

AAA last week urged the U.S. Department of Transportation to block the toll increase, claiming the hikes violate federal law.

The group said the increase violates a federal law that requires bridge tolls to be "just and reasonable," and it sent a letter to Transportation Secretary Ray LaHood asking him to act.

"It's an egregious example of the motorists getting ripped off," AAA New York spokesman Robert Sinclair said.

AAA also said using toll revenues to build the new World Trade Center site owned by the Port Authority goes against the organization's mission to ensure tolls and revenues go back into transportation, not into "speculative office development."

The Port Authority had originally proposed even steeper toll increases, but was forced to scale back after the governors of New York and New Jersey threatened to veto them.

In addition to the bridge toll increases, the fare on the Port Authority Trans-Hudson subway line will rise from $1.75 to $2 on Sunday. By 2015 it is scheduled to increase to $2.75.

The Port Authority's coffers have been hit hard by security-related projects following the 9/11 attacks, a drop in revenue caused by the global economic slump, and the $11 billion World Trade Center complex.

Copyright Associated Press / NBC New York

Link to article here.

NJ Man Sues Over Toll Hikes, Claims Bias Against Poor

Wednesday, Sep 21, 2011  |  Updated 8:51 AM EDT

NJ Man Sues Over Toll Hikes, Claims Bias
A New Jersey man has filed a federal lawsuit in New York over the Port Authority's toll increase.     

Yoel Weisshaus of New Milford claims the increase is an abuse of power and discriminates against him because he is poor.     

Cash tolls on the George Washington Bridge, Holland Tunnel, Lincoln Tunnel, Goethals Bridge, Bayonne Bridge and Outerbridge Crossing went up from $8 to $12 on Sunday.  

Weisshaus claims the tolls are targeted to restrict minimum-wage earners and will be used to complete the World Trade Center project instead of improving bridges and tunnels.     

The Record newspaper reports the unemployed Bergen Community College student, who frequently visits his grandparents in Brooklyn, has asked the court to waive filing fees because he can't afford them. He is representing himself.          

Copyright Associated Press / NBC New York

Wolff seeks to snag project from Adkisson to fund interchange

Details
News
The politics of this town will never cease to amaze me...after Commissioner Tommy Adkisson has devoted himself to getting 281 and 1604 fixed without tolls for 6 years (projects that are largely outside his precinct and mostly within Wolff's precinct), Commissioner Kevin Wolff is trying to snag funds from the 1604 project in Adkisson's precinct to fund the northern ramps of the 281/1604 interchange without tolls.

County commissioner offers funding match for 1604/281 ramps

Money would come from East Bexar County project.

By Vianna Davila
This email address is being protected from spambots. You need JavaScript enabled to view it.

Updated 01:57 a.m., Friday, September 16, 2011

The new plan to fund ramps on the north side of the U.S. 281/Loop 1604 interchange may be complete.

County Commissioner Kevin Wolff proposed matching the city's $30 million for the ramps with an equal amount from the county by reallocating money set aside to widen Loop 1604 north of Interstate 10 in eastern Bexar.

Mayor Julián Castro on Wednesday proposed placing $30 million for the ramps in next year's $596 million bond election.

The ramps on the north side of the intersection are projected to cost $60 million and would complete the interchange, which now is under construction.

The Alamo Regional Mobility Authority is spending $130 million in federal stimulus money to build ramps and merging lanes on the south side of the intersection. That project should open in 2013.

The funding plans are contingent on county commissioners' approval Sept. 27, and voter approval of the bond package in May.

“Since I've been on council, I've been trying to improve 281, whether that's the interchange itself or the base infrastructure between 1604 and the county line,” said Wolff, who was on the City Council before being elected to Commissioners Court in November 2008. “With the mayor putting this in the bond, while it's only half the project, and while I think it's very smart of him to do that, so it will help him get votes for his bond, I don't want to do half the project. I want to do the whole project.”

Castro said Thursday he still needed to review Wolff's proposal but was glad to learn the commissioner was ready to work with the city on congestion problems.

Read more: http://www.mysanantonio.com/news/local_news/article/Matching-funds-are-found-2173142.php#ixzz1YeOes6ty

Mayor Castro seeks funds for non-toll interchange

Details
News
Many have asked what we think about the Mayor's proposal. First, we applaud ANY effort to get our roads fixed without tolls. The downside of this proposal however, is that it means taxpayers also have to buy into the rest of the Mayor's nearly $600 million bond program. There's no line item veto -- it's all or nothing. As a savvy politician, he knows he needs northside votes to get the package passed and having something in it for everyone is likely the goal. However, with the growing aversion to more debt, and the feeling we already pay taxes to have our state highways fixed and those funds are NOT getting back to San Antonio (they're being diverted to non-road uses as well as being spent in other regions of the state), it's a tough pill to swallow to ask local taxpayers to continue to pay for unfunded mandates, like building STATE highways. We shall see...

Additional ramps eyed at 281/1604
Mayor is seeking to avoid having the lanes be tolled.

By Josh Baugh and Vianna Davila
This email address is being protected from spambots. You need JavaScript enabled to view it.

Updated 01:42 a.m., Thursday, September 15, 2011

Mayor Julián Castro said Wednesday he will seek $30 million in the 2012 bond program to help build connector ramps on the north side of the Loop 1604/U.S. 281 interchange, a measure that could help relieve congestion in the area and, at the same time, ensure the ramps are not tolled.

Castro said he wants to leverage bond money to help build the ramps, which would cost about $60 million, said Terry Brechtel, head of the Alamo Regional Mobility Authority, which is currently building ramps on the south side of the interchange.

The authority is using $130 million in federal stimulus money for the southern connectors. The northern connectors would merge with much of the current project, lowering the cost of the northbound ramps.


Read more: http://www.mysanantonio.com/news/local_news/article/Additional-ramps-eyedat-281-1604-2170574.php#ixzz1YeL9EtkQ

Castro plan to fix interchange without tolls

Details
News
Mayor proposes bonds to relieve U.S. 281/Loop 1604 congestion

By Josh Baugh
Express-News

Published 02:10 p.m., Wednesday, September 14, 2011

Mayor Julián Castro announced Wednesday that he'll seek $30 million in the 2012 bond program to help build the northern connectors on the Loop 1604/U.S. 281 interchange on the North Side.

Castro said he wants to leverage the bond money to help build the ramps. The Alamo Regional Mobility Authority is currently building the southern half, connecting east- and westbound Loop 1604 to southbound U.S. 281.

The RMA has said that it would likely have to toll the northern connectors when they're built, but under Castro's plan, the new project would not be tolled.


Read the rest of the story here: http://www.mysanantonio.com/news/local_news/article/Mayor-proposes-bonds-to-relieve-U-S-281-Loop-2170574.php#ixzz1XxTb8ygM

NYT: Trans Texas Corridor thorn in Perry's side

Details
Public Private Partnerships
Link to article here.

September 9, 2011

Gov. Perry's Proposed Road in Texas Had Few Friends and Could Still Take a Political Toll

By AMANDA PETERKA of Greenwire

New York Times

The less the Trans-Texas Corridor is brought up during the Republican presidential primaries, the better for Rick Perry.

Although it was officially killed in the most recent Texas legislative session, the proposed massive transportation and infrastructure project and ensuing debacle could still end up being a thorn in the governor's side as he preaches his anti-big government mantra on the campaign trail.

As originally proposed and backed by Perry, the state of Texas would have taken more than 500,000 acres of private land to build the 1,200-foot-wide toll road. The majority of those acres were agricultural lands and wildlife habitats, and many are part of the state's Blackland Prairies, some of the richest farmland in the country.

"It was so expansive and so wide, unlike any highway ever built. It was an enormous size," said Terri Hall, founder and director of Texans United for Reform and Freedom, a group that has opposed the project. "A fully built-out interstate is only about 400 feet wide. It was a huge land grab."

There is no argument that Texas needs to do something about its roads. In the past decade, Texas has added more than 4 million people to its population, stressing the transportation infrastructure well beyond state coffers.

The state's population is projected to grow further, and most of the growth is expected to occur in the north-south corridor from San Antonio to the Oklahoma border.

To fund road projects, Texas has borrowed heavily, and its debt will be $17.3 billion by the end of 2012 for road repairs made since 2003 (Greenwire, Aug. 17).

In 2002, Perry proposed the $175 billion, 4,000-mile Trans-Texas Corridor, which would have carried Texans from the Mexico border to Oklahoma. Perry envisioned separate lanes for cars and trucks, and a rail system to be built in the middle. The project would also have potentially carried water pipes and utility lines.

With the state's budget difficulties, "the tolling aspect was one of the selling points from Rick Perry's perspective," said Ken Kramer, director of the Lone Star Chapter of the Sierra Club.

Once Republicans took control of the state Legislature after redistricting in 2003, the TTC was pushed through the House and the Senate as part of an omnibus transportation bill that allowed for the private funding of public highways, the tolling of such a road and the use of eminent domain to acquire land for the project.

"It was not until lawmakers got back home that they discovered what they had done and there was going to be pushback," said Harvey Kronberg, editor of The Quorum Report, an online Texas political tip sheet.

And there quickly was plenty of pushback. Environmental groups objected to the wildlife habitat that would be lost and advocated for expanded public transportation rather than allowing more cars. Others objected to tolling as a means to raise money to build highways.

And when Perry awarded the development rights to a Spanish company, Cintra, there were complaints that foreign interests were taking over American roads and that Perry was rewarding his cronies. A former legislative director of Perry's, Dan Shelley, went to work for Cintra after leaving the governor's office.

Jim Sartwelle, public policy director at the Texas Farm Bureau, said that his organization is not necessarily anti-toll road. For farmers and ranchers, the problem with the project was the taking of so much agricultural and ranch land -- and the fact that Perry himself is a former farmer heightened their outrage. Some of that land had been in families for hundreds of years.

"Agriculture's biggest concerns were property rights concerns," Sartwelle said. "What happens if the state takes a large piece of property and cuts it into two pieces? It leaves a landlocked piece with no access. Now the land's not worth as much. ... It was an extremely emotional issue to many of our members."

Perry spent two terms as agriculture commissioner in the 1990s, his first statewide post. He was elected lieutenant governor in 1998 and became governor after George W. Bush was elected president in 2000.

Leland Beatty, who worked for Perry's agriculture predecessor Jim Hightower, looked at the TTC as Perry betraying the state's agricultural interests.

"Once he became lieutenant governor, agriculture never mattered in any way, shape or form," Beatty said, who also is the retired communications director for the Environmental Defense Fund. "He had always been a big property rights fan, he was always talking about farmers' right to defend against condemnation. Once he became governor and had a big chance to do the toll road deal, he didn't care."

The project became one of the most controversial issues of Perry's tenure as governor. But while it generated a lot of acrimony and played a huge role in state legislative elections, Perry emerged relatively unscathed.

"There was a lot of screaming and yelling and complaining, and legislators just wanted to eviscerate the TTC. But there was no penalty against Perry," Kronberg said.

When he was up for re-election in 2006, Perry had no effective Republican primary challenger to bring up the issue. He won the four-way general election that year with 39 percent of the vote.

By that time, the pushback against the project forced state officials to scale back their proposal. One part of it, Texas Highway 130, was begun as a tolled bypass around Austin. The scale was nowhere near that of the original plan.

The TTC concept was shelved in 2009 when legislators decided not to pass a public-private toll bill that would have made it possible. In the 2010 gubernatorial election, Houston Mayor Bill White, the Democratic nominee, did run an ad attacking Perry over the project, but bigger issues dominated the dialogue, and Perry won easily.

"Talk has died down because it was so thoroughly trashed by so many people," Kramer of the Sierra Club said.

This past legislative session, lawmakers passed a bill repealing the TTC, ending years of dispute.

The mood of the Legislature was, "If it ain't dead already, we're just going to formally say we're putting a nail in this coffin," said David Weinberg, president of the Texas League of Conservation Voters.

Farmers and ranchers won another victory this legislative session with the passage of long-awaited eminent domain reform. Sartwelle of the Farm Bureau said that there is not much acrimony left toward Perry within the agriculture community.

"It was a mistake that was never made," he said of the TTC.

But those watching the Republican presidential primaries say it is likely Perry has not heard the last of the Trans-Texas Corridor. Because the nature of the TTC was essentially government taking over private land, there is the possibility that it could turn away tea party members who would otherwise support Perry.

"It could be brought up," Sartwelle said. "Anything would be fair game. I don't know if it would get a lot of traction. It's not easily explained off, but it's easily accounted for. We had a problem, this was a way to deal with it, it was met with widespread disapproval, and the governor stayed with it all the way to the end until it was completely removed."

Copyright 2011 E&E Publishing. All Rights Reserved.

Perry's cronyism on display with privatization push

Details
Public Private Partnerships
Link to article here.

Murphy's article states: "A flurry of privatization bills were introduced by Republican lawmakers during the regular, biannual legislative session, but all of them fizzled out."

One key bill, SB 1048, authored by British Infrastructure firm Balfour Beatty and carried by Rep. John Davis and Sen. Mike Jackson DID pass, despite our (and plenty of other grassroots) opposition.

(10)  "Qualifying project" means:
(A)  any ferry, mass transit facility, vehicle parking facility, port facility, power generation facility, fuel  supply facility, oil or gas pipeline, water supply facility, public work, waste treatment facility, hospital, school, medical or nursing care facility, recreational facility, public building, or other similar facility currently available or to be made available to a governmental entity for public use, including any structure, parking area, appurtenance, and other property required to operate the structure or facility and any technology infrastructure installed in the structure or facility that is essential to the project's purpose; or
(B)  any improvements necessary or desirable to unimproved real estate owned by a governmental entity.

TURF put every lawmaker on notice about these public private partnerships and specifically what was in this bill (with multiple bulletins, one hand delivered) BEFORE they voted on it, and it sailed through. We also hand delivered an Open Letter to Governor Rick Perry, Lt. Gov. David Dewhurst, Speaker Joe Straus, and every legislator signed by over 100 grassroots groups, most of them tea parties (Perry's claimed base of support) in opposition to public private partnerships (the contracts used to privatize), and they voted for all of it anyway. It may even allow prisons to be privatized based on the broad language pertaining to virtually every type of public infrastructure.

Also, 14 Texas roads were put up on the auction block for road privatization, again, despite the opposition, in the TxDOT sunset bill, SB 1420 (amendment #90 by Phillips). So the privatization advocates got their every wish as far as I can tell.

Flush With Prison Industry Dollars, Rick Perry Pushed Privatized Prisoner Care

By Tim Murphy
Mother Jones
September 1, 2011

Corrections industry lobbyists and execs donated generously to the Texas governor's reelection campaign. He advanced policies that would benefit the prison industry. Coincidence?

Under the banner of closing the state's $27 billion deficit last winter, Texas Gov. Rick Perry floated a proposal to privatize the state's prison health care network. Whether the plan would actually save the state any money was a matter of debate, but one thing was clear: The move would have been a boon for private-prison executives and lobbyists, including Perry's former chief of staff, who had donated generously to his 2010 reelection campaign.

The plan met bipartisan resistance in the state Legislature, but it was just one of a handful of recent proposals by Perry's office that would have benefited the industry—all in the name of deficit reduction.

Private prisons are a big business in Texas, where the combination of federal immigration policies and one of the nation's largest inmate populations has led to a boom in construction over the last two decades. As governor, Perry, the front-runner for the GOP presidential nomination, has supported privatizing everything from public lands to highways, but according to Scott Henson, a criminal-justice watchdog who runs the blog Grits for Breakfast, the governor had remained largely quiet on the prisons issue—until this year.

That coincided with an influx of campaign contributions from private-prison executives and lobbyists, among them his former top aide, Michael Toomey, a political powerbroker who represents the nation's largest private corrections contractor, Corrections Corporation of America. CCA, per its website, "provides health care services to male and female inmates and youthful offenders who are housed in local jails, detention facilities, and correctional institutions around the country." (Toomey told Mother Jones he had not lobbied Perry's office or the state Legislature on the prison health care plan; Perry's campaign did not respond to a request for comment.)
Toomey, who had not contributed directly to any of the governor's previous gubernatorial campaigns, opened up his wallet for two separate $10,000 donations to Perry two months before Election Day in 2010. Thomas Beasley, the founder of CCA, has given $17,000 to Perry’s campaigns over the last decade. Another private prison firm, the GEO Group, poured $15,000 into Perry’s 2010 reelection effort in 2010 through its eponymous political action committee. Luis Gonzalez, a GEO Group lobbyist, meanwhile, gave $50,000 to Perry’s reelection bid.

Perry first floated the health care privatization proposal in his 2011 budget, which noted: "The Governor’s budget recommends canceling necessary contracts early to explore private sector delivery options, or instructing the state-supported institution to provide correctional care according to the constitutional minimum level." Mike Ward of the Austin American-Statesman reported that Perry adviser Mike Morrissey held a closed-door meeting in March to discuss the privatization proposal with potential vendors—but not, pointedly, the state-university-operated facilities that currently run things.

A flurry of privatization bills were introduced by Republican lawmakers during the regular, biannual legislative session, but all of them fizzled out. And then in June, as the Legislature scrambled to put together a budget during a special session, the plan resurfaced in two different pieces of legislation. First, an amendment was attached by a GOP lawmaker to an unrelated bill that would have transferred the authority for the state’s prison health care board to Perry by giving him the power to appoint the majority of the committee members. That proposal, which was jettisoned after it came to light, would have effectively given the governor's office the power to unilaterally make sweeping changes to the system.

"There was no evidence that it could be done cheaper," says state Rep. Jerry Madden, a Republican, who chairs the House corrections subcommittee and worked to have the language removed. A second proposal, a few days later, would have explicitly granted the corrections agency the power to solicit bids for prison health care services but not mandated it.

Earlier, Perry’s office had floated another proposal that seemed designed to please the private-prison industry. It sought to eliminate the independence of the Texas Commission on Jail Standards and fold it, along with two other public-safety commissions, into a single agency. The governor’s office justified the move, which ultimately fell short, as a spending measure, a chance to eliminate bureaucratic redundancies. But critics saw a pattern.

"One of the things that the commission has always wanted is to have control over the private prisons," says Ana Yanez-Correa, executive director of the Texas Criminal Justice Coalition, which monitors prison reform in the Lone Star State. "Obviously [the governor’s office] didn’t like that, so this session they tried to dilute the power of the commission by merging it with two other entities."

Perry has drawn scrutiny for his cozy relationships with top donors. According to the group Texans for Public Justice (PDF), nearly 20 percent of the governor’s fundraising totals since 2001 have come from people whom he has appointed, while programs like the $200 million Texas Enterprise Fund, designed to help the state lure new businesses with tax incentives, have been criticized as a "slush fund" for Perry donors. Toomey, the aide-turned-lobbyist who Texas Monthly ranked as one of the 25 most influential politicos in the state, was the key player in Perry’s decision, overturned by the Legislature, to require all adolescent girls to receive an HPV vaccination. At the time, Toomey was a lobbyist for Merck, the pharmaceutical company that manufactured the vaccine.

Toomey, known in Austin as "Mike the Knife," served as Perry’s chief of staff for almost two years, from November 2002 through September 2004. The two have remained close—in August, Toomey formed a Super PAC, Make Us Great Again, specifically to support Perry’s presidential campaign. He added CCA to his client roster in 2007.

In 2003, Perry signed a line-item veto eliminating the funding for the Texas Criminal Justice Policy Council, a state agency tasked with providing "objective analysis and assessment of state criminal justice programs and initiatives." According to the Austin Chronicle, the decision to pull the plug on the agency came from Toomey, who had lobbied for prison contractors before he worked for Perry. (Toomey has denied any involvement in the program’s elimination.)

Perry's rush to privatize prison health care is consistent with the approach he's taken throughout most of his 10 years as governor: slashing public services under the guise of austerity, and then contracting those services out to the well-connected businesses that have made his rise possible. As he put it during his reelection campaign in 2010, as the private-prison industry filled his war chest with donations, "Texas is open for business." To his critics, those words have never rang truer.

HuffPo: Perry steers money to road for Exxon

Details
Public Private Partnerships
Link to article here.

Grand Parkway has become the poster child of all that's wrong with transportation policy in Texas. The claim is we're out of money for roads so Texans have to choke down toll taxes, even on existing roads. Yet Rick Perry's Transportation Commission can come up with $350 million in gas taxes, plus another $40 million more allocated at its August meeting, for a road in the middle of the Katy prairie where there's NO traffic congestion, to benefit ExxonMobil!

Exxon Headquarters Near Houston To Get New Road Despite State Budget Shortfalls

 
 
Texas faces a transportation funding gap of $315 billion over the next 20 years, according to the state's transportation commission. Ten of its top 20 congested roads are in or around Houston.

Yet while the mitigation plans for congestion around several of those existing roads remain unfunded, the state is moving ahead with the construction of more than 180 miles of beltway called the Grand Parkway, segments of which will run right past the new North American headquarters of ExxonMobil. The total price tag for the project, which will require the use of eminent domain, is estimated at $5.2 billion.

Since the 1960s, planners in Houston have dreamed of building the Parkway, a massive third beltway in the suburbs and exurbs beyond the Sam Houston Tollway, which itself rings the 610 Loop near the city's core. Coming up with the money for the road, however, has never been easy. For decades the grand plan has languished; so far only two out of its 11 segments have been built.

But in January the Texas Transportation Commission, appointed by Governor Rick Perry, decided to assume authority for several segments of the project.

One commissioner said the project was particularly important for the Texas Department of Transportation, commonly called TxDOT, because ExxonMobil was considering moving its North American headquarters to a brand new, 385-acre corporate campus north of the city near where the road will some day go. Suburban Harris County, which surrounds Houston and where the campus is located, had struggled to find a way to pay for its parts of the Parkway.

In January, ExxonMobil's final decision about that campus had yet to be publicly revealed. Civic boosters seemed to suggest that without progress on the Grand Parkway, the company might leave the region.

"Exxon representatives have stated very clearly to me that TxDOT moving forward on the Grand Parkway is essential, and that if that did not happen, they would not select this site," transportation commissioner and Houston real estate developer Ned Holmes said. He added that it was "kind of a deal-breaker" for the company.

The commission's vote in support of the project was unanimous, and if all goes as planned, the segments of the road adjoining ExxonMobil will go online just as the company's new campus, which sits about 10 miles up the road from its old campus, is completed in 2015.

David Crossley, the president of Houston Tomorrow, which studies urban issues in the region, said that "six months ago the Parkway project was essentially dead. But when Exxon began to close in on their decision, everything started going really fast. It's breathtaking how they got this going again."

Critics say that the Transportation Commission's decision to move the project along raises questions as to whether the state's road policy is too influenced by the concerns of developers, private toll-road operators and politically connected companies like ExxonMobil.

A spokesman for the oil and gas company, noting that "ExxonMobil speaks for itself," declined to comment on Holmes' remarks. "We don't comment on meetings with government officials," he said.

Raquelle Lewis, a public information officer for TxDOT's Houston District, said that while "it certainly does not hurt to have a corporation like Exxon that is in support of us moving forward," the Grand Parkway "is an initiative that's been on the priority list for the Greater Houston region for a very long time."

Lewis said ExxonMobil had been in contact with the Grand Parkway Association, a state-authorized non-profit that facilitates the development of the beltway.

"I have no doubt that those communications were a part of the discussions and the decision-making that happened within state government," she said. "They're a huge corporate entity with a huge impact on anywhere they decide to headquarter."

TxDOT says that building the northern segments of the Grand Parkway now is necessary to prepare the city for the congestion that will inevitably come later as the region continues to grow, whether or not ExxonMobil moves to the area.

Transportation advocates, however, suggest that the road is more important to developers than to the city's often-frustrated motorists. Some believe real estate developers may have been more influential than ExxonMobil in securing the project's approval.

Finishing the Parkway would generate boundless real estate opportunities on the outskirts of the sprawling, smoggy city, which famously has few zoning laws and many developers. A developer is already clearing ground on one project, an 1,800-acre mixed-use village that claims it will be built on "sustainable development principles," immediately adjacent to where ExxonMobil's campus will go.

If the state has free money to spend on a project, Robin Holzer of the Citizen's Transportation Coalition argued, it should spend it "to benefit existing taxpayers, instead of blowing it on a speculative toll road out in the boonies for the benefit of one of the world's most profitable oil and gas companies."

Critics of the project are further upset that parts of the Grand Parkway, including those near the future headquarters of ExxonMobil, may very well be built as toll roads under the auspices of public-private partnerships.

Next Tuesday the state will break ground for Segment E of the Grand Parkway, a publicly funded stretch of road to the west of the city that will cost $350 million. The state may sell ownership stakes in Segment E to help finance parts of the road that are slated to be turned over to public-private partnerships.

Such public-private partnerships were hugely controversial earlier in Governor Rick Perry's tenure, when he proposed a system of "supercorridors" to be called the Trans-Texas Corridor. After a massive grassroots outcry, Perry abandoned that idea.

Despite that misstep, however, Texas is turning back to public-private toll roads. In June, Perry signed a transportation bill authorizing TxDOT to build the Grand Parkway and a bevy of other projects as public-private partnerships. The state has yet to make a decision on whether to do that for the northern segments of the Grand Parkway.

Terri Hall, a conservative critic of Perry's road-building policies who serves as the executive director of Texans Uniting for Reform and Freedom, said, "What is so insidious about this is that we are now putting in the hands of private companies the power to tax."

She worries ordinary Texans would not be able to access the road if it is run by a private company.

"Maybe they pay their employees well enough that they can take the toll road to work," Hall said of ExxonMobil, but "we're basically creating a two-tiered highway system: one for the haves, one for the have-nots."

Cintra's debt rating lowered for DFW project

Details
Public Private Partnerships
Link to article here.

Incredibly, despite the risky nature of the North Tarrant Express project, which privatizes portions of I-820 and SH 121, note in the last paragraph that even if the private developer Spanish company, Cintra, is off in its projections by 50%, it can still cover its debt: "On North Tarrant Express, Moody's noted in its rating report that the traffic and revenue projections are aggressive but that even if the revenue is off by 50 percent, the developer could still pay its debt service." That means your toll rates are jacked up sky high if they can be off by as much as 50% and still cover their expenses!

North Tarrant Express gets lower rating than other bond projects

Posted Tuesday, Sep. 06, 2011

By Gordon Dickson - Star Telegram

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Bonds sold for North Tarrant Express earned a middle-of-the-road rating, partly because analysts can't be certain that enough people will use the toll lanes to raise the money to pay off the debt.

The project, which includes rebuilding Northeast Loop 820 and Texas 121/183 with both toll and nontoll lanes in Northeast Tarrant County, is considered financially solid, according to a report published last week by Moody's Investors Service. Even so, North Tarrant Express got a lower rating than other bond projects in Dallas-Fort Worth, including toll road projects financed by the North Texas Tollway Authority.

The rating of Baa2 for senior debt and Baa3 for subordinate debt shows that the North Tarrant Express project isn't a terribly risky investment, but it's not fail-safe, either.
"You have to predict people's appetite and tolerance for paying a toll in a toll lane, when there's a freeway lane right next to you," said Laura Barrientos, a Moody's analyst who helped prepare the North Tarrant Express report. "The Baa2, for a project that's in construction, is actually a very good rating."

NTE Mobility Partners is the developer responsible for widening Loop 820 and 121/183, adding toll lanes and rebuilding the free lanes. The developer is using private activity bonds and a federally backed transportation infrastructure loan to pay for some of the $2.1 billion construction. The money is to be repaid by tolls collected on managed lanes in what is now the median.

Solid, with risks

Those who follow bond markets say the Moody's ratings for North Tarrant Express are the lowest that bonds can earn while still being considered investment-worthy -- not junk. According to Moody's definition, the ratings carry a moderate credit risk with "certain speculative characteristics."

NTE Mobility Partners is lead by Cintra, a Spanish company that is also building the LBJ Express project on Interstate 635 between Grapevine and Dallas. Bonds for LBJ Express have earned similar ratings.

Such ratings are normal for toll projects being built in an area where motorists have free options and where the popularity of the toll lanes won't truly be known until they open, several officials with experience in toll finance said.

The report describes North Tarrant Express as financially solid but highlights a few potential risks. First, as with any road project funded by bonds, there is a risk that construction will be slowed, which could delay repayment of the debt. But specific to the North Tarrant Express project, there is also uncertainly about how much motorists will embrace paying tolls in a corridor they're accustomed to using for free.

North Tarrant Express will be among the first projects with so-called variable pricing, meaning the price can change by the minute, depending on traffic. To limit traffic on the toll lanes -- two in each direction -- tolls can range from $2 to $10 to travel the entire 13-mile corridor, NTE Mobility Partners spokesman Robert Hinkle said. The idea is to ensure that traffic flow stays at least 50 mph on the toll lanes, whereas traffic on the free lanes will likely remain congested during peak travel times.

"The Moody's investment grade rating of NTE shows confidence in the project," Hinkle said.

State is satisfied

The Texas Department of Transportation, which has entered into contracts with outside developers for North Tarrant Express and LBJ Express, was mainly concerned that both projects be considered investment-grade, not junk, said James Bass, the agency's chief financial officer. Officials at the agency are satisfied that the ratings are unchanged since the project agreements were signed nearly two years ago.

"Right now, people are making investments in large part based on revenue forecasts," Bass said. "What you'll see oftentimes is as a roadway gets past the construction risk and starts dealing with actual revenue, then there might be an opportunity for that rating to be adjusted upward."

But the tollway authority, which builds more-traditional toll projects in the Metroplex, typically gets higher ratings.

In July, the authority issued $100 million in revenue bonds, which were rated AA1 and A-plus by Standard & Poor's, and P1 and A1 by Moody's -- all ratings that indicate a low credit risk.

Those bonds were backed by the entire Dallas-area tollway system, meaning that even if revenue from tolls collected on one road fell below projections, revenue from another road could pay the debt.

But even the tollway authority sometimes struggles with bond ratings. Last month, a different series of tollway bonds issued in 2008 was dropped from an A-minus rating from S&P to "nonrated," which is considered noninvestment grade. The move came shortly after the U.S. government's rating was dropped. Tollway officials said they don't expect S&P's action to affect the agency's ongoing projects.

On North Tarrant Express, Moody's noted in its rating report that the traffic and revenue projections are aggressive but that even if the revenue is off by 50 percent, the developer could still pay its debt service.

Tolls mulled for I-95

Details
News
Link to article here.

If government gets its way, they'll be charging us tolls on ALL our existing roads claiming we're out of money to pay for roads with the gas tax falling short due to diversions, inflation, and improved mileage. When tolls cost you anywhere from 12 cents a mile up to $1 per mile compared with 1-2 cents per mile to use a gas tax funded road, tolls increases taxes by 10 to 100 fold (like adding $10 to $15 to every gallon of gas you buy)! Somehow they think tolling roads we've already built and paid for is more popular than disciplining the use of the gas taxes we already pay or raising the gas tax, if necessary!

Facing budget crunch, R.I. eyes I-95 tolls

Published: June 9, 2011 at 8:03 PM

PROVIDENCE, R.I., June 9 (UPI) -- Rhode Island wants to add tolls to Interstate 95 under an exception letting three states add tolls to interstates whose federal maintenance funds are drying up.

The 1998 exception gets around a law prohibiting states from charging tolls on interstate highways built with federal money. It lets as many as three states start collecting tolls on existing interstates to fund improvements on those roads.

The parts of I-95 and other interstate highways, mostly in the Northeast, that have tolls were either completed or under construction when the Interstate Highway System was established after World War II. The tolls on those roads were typically allowed to remain, but the roads became ineligible for federal maintenance and improvement funds.

Virginia and Missouri sought to take advantage of the exception and received U.S. Transportation Department permission to add tolls, but neither has tolls up and running, the non-profit Stateline news service said.

Pennsylvania applied but was rejected because its application said it would divert some of the money from its proposed I-80 tolls to support Philadelphia public transit, Stateline said.

Rhode Island officials say they would like to grab Pennsylvania's spot and -- learning from Pennsylvania's mistake -- they plan to be sure they spell out that the tolls proposed for the state's 40 miles of I-95 would go only toward improvements to the highway itself, Rhode Island transportation Director Michael Lewis said.

"The tolling option is what we think of as the least painful, most equitable, least impacting option to raise additional revenues that can be invested back in states' infrastructure," he told the news service.


© 2011 United Press International, Inc. All Rights Reserved.

Read more: http://www.upi.com/Top_News/US/2011/06/09/Facing-budget-crunch-RI-eyes-I-95-tolls/UPI-64231307664200/print/#ixzz1Xk7EBDUU

Perry invited Chinese company to Texas despite security threat

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News
Link to article here.

As we've noted before in this article, Texas Governor Rick Perry is not only cozy with the Chinese, he's fond of selling Texas to foreign creditors (which he slams President Barack Obama for doing). Texas has 32 foreign trade zones and has over 20 active deals in the works with the Chinese right now. Perry's slogan of "Texas Open for Business" takes on new meaning when put in the context of his coziness with the Chinese.

Perry welcomed Chinese firm despite security concern

By Carol D. Leonnig and Karen Tumulty, Published: August 14

It was the kind of scene that Texas Gov. Rick Perry will point to often as he rolls out his presidential campaign: a ribbon-cutting ceremony just outside Dallas, launching a corporate headquarters, with hundreds of new jobs, and validating what he calls his “Texas miracle” of growth.

After a months-long courtship that included a trip to China, where he dined with the company’s chief executive, Perry announced that telecommunications firm Huawei Technologies would base its U.S. operations in Plano. In a video of that October 2010 event — now playing on YouTube, courtesy of the governor’s office — Perry praised the company’s “really strong worldwide reputation” and its chairman, Ren Zhengfei, whose straight talk he said reminded him fondly of West Texans.

Texas Gov. Rick Perry joined the 2012 GOP race for president Saturday with an announcement sure to reverberate halfway across the country as his rivals competed in Iowa for the support of party activists.

Texas Gov. Rick Perry joined the 2012 GOP race for president Saturday with an announcement sure to reverberate halfway across the country as his rivals competed in Iowa for the support of party activists.

More on this Story

Perry: Printing more money a 'treasonous' move
Perry tests his Texas twang in key states
Perry backed foreign firm despite security concern
Rick Perry throws his cowboy hat in the ring

While Perry focused on Huawei’s ability to create jobs in a sluggish economy, national security experts in both the George W. Bush and Obama administrations had concluded that the global telecom giant poses a potential cyber-security risk to the U.S. military and businesses. Three times since 2008, a U.S. government security panel has blocked Huawei from acquiring or partnering with U.S. companies because of concerns that secrets could be leaked to China’s government or military.

Perry campaign spokesman Mark Miner said that “if there are national security issues surrounding this company, they should be fully looked at.” He characterized Perry’s main involvement with Huawei as just “a ribbon-cutting for a company that was creating jobs here.”

As the Republican presidential campaign intensifies with Perry’s Saturday entry into the presidential race, trade with China and the sensitive issue of how to weigh U.S. economic interests against security concerns is emerging as a target of GOP politicians.

In last Thursday’s debate in Iowa, former Utah governor and ambassador to China Jon Huntsman Jr. pointed to China as a culprit in what he described as “the new war field” — cyber-intrusion as a way to steal corporate and government secrets. “Not only have government institutions been hacked into, but private individuals have been hacked, too. It’s gone beyond the pale,” Huntsman said.

Huntsman has said his experience in China gives him an understanding of its complex relationship with the United States. His own family business — the global chemical company Huntsman Corp. — had done business in China and saw its China-based revenue rise 57 percent during his tenure as ambassador there. Huntsman’s brother Peter, the company’s chief executive, told The Washington Post that the company avoided seeking embassy help while his brother was ambassador.

Front-runner Mitt Romney has vowed to “get tough” on trade with China and called the superpower one of the “worst offenders” of global trade rules, suggesting in an interview that the United States must clamp down on China’s use of pirated technologies.

Romney’s former investment company, Bain Capital, worked on behalf of at least two Chinese companies trying to acquire U.S. technology firms. One case involved Huawei, which Bain joined in its failed bid to buy the software firm 3Com. Romney left Bain Capital in 1999, and aides say he had no role in those deals.

US 281 ranks most “stressful” congested road in state of Texas

Details
News
Link to article here.

US 281 most "stressful" congested road in Texas
By Terri Hall, Examiner.com
September 7, 2011

Well, commuters in the US 281 corridor north of Loop 1604 in Bexar County have been saying this for nearly a decade, but now the Texas Transportation Institute’s 100 Most Congested Roads List for 2011 confirms it. US 281 in Bexar County tied a segment of I-35 in Ft. Worth for the top spot as the state's most congested road using its Commuter Stress Index (CSI), which measures the most congested direction of each peak period. That means it ranks even higher than the parking lot known as I-35 in Austin!

US 281 also moved up in its overall ranking on the 100 Most Congested Roads List to 21, up from 38. In Bexar County, 1604 dropped out of the Top 50 and was replaced by segments of I-35 as being in the top 50 most congested roads overall (considering Loop 1604 has stoplights on it and I-35 does not, that doesn't pass the smell test). Loop 1604 dropped to 74.

It’s the funding, stupid
To take a saying from a past presidential campaign, “It’s the economy, stupid,” the same could apply to US 281 -- it’s all about the funding. A little history is in order. In public hearings in 2001, commuters were promised an improvement plan (virtually the same one that’s being promoted today, except now every highway mainlane would be tolled instead of non-tolled) to add a lane each direction and build overpasses and frontage roads where needed. The cost to the county line was $100 million in 2003 & 2004 dollars. But in 2003, Governor Rick Perry and the Texas Legislature turned to toll roads, including tolling existing free lanes, to make-up for shortfalls. In July 2004, the local Metropolitan Planning Organization (MPO) fell in line and voted to turn US 281 into a toll road (then Bexar County Commissioner Lyle Larson being the only dissenting vote).

In 2007, former District Engineer David Casteel affirmed $102 million was available to fix US 281. At least $48 million in gas taxes to fix the first three miles were in the MPO’s plan up until 2008 when the funds disappeared and were spent elsewhere. According to MPO bylaws, US 281 should be the first project to get its funding restored. Once the toll authority (Alamo Regional Mobility Authority or ARMA) got a hold of the project, the cost has skyrocketed to $475 million (see MPO's TIP), despite highway construction costs plummeting.

In fact, the Chief Financial Officer of the Texas Department of Transportation (TxDOT), James Bass, announced in a simulcast last Thursday, that there is $200 million in underruns available to help fund highway projects. Underrun means highway bids are coming in LOWER than TxDOT’s projected cost estimates, leaving surpluses. This is in addition to $3 billion in Prop 12 bonds the legislature approved during the 81st legislative session. Of that $3 billion, San Antonio district will receive only $143 million. Oh, but the mantra remains the same from TxDOT and ARMA bureaucrats - “There’s no money to fix 281 without tolls. That $144 million is a ‘drop in the bucket’ compared to the $475 - $485 million needed” (the new estimated price is closer to $485-$505 million!).

Environmental hurdles or excuses?

The other excuse we hear is that US 281 won’t have environmental clearance in time to use the Prop 12 bonds (ARMA says December 2013, Prop 12 bonds need to be used by August 2013). Conveniently for them but not so conveniently for taxpayers and congestion weary commuters, the ARMA controls the 281 environmental study and controls the timeline for completion.

The tolling authority only benefits if 281 is a toll road, not a free road. When the fox is guarding the henhouse, it’s no wonder the ARMA predicts clearance won’t happen until after the Prop 12 deadline passes to ensure revenue sources won’t be available to fix 281 without tolls. Due to this bias by TxDOT and the ARMA, $51 million of the $144 million in Prop 12 bonds have already been directed to “operational improvements” to onramps and exit ramps on I-35, not to the bigger problem of US 281.

Leadership vacuum
Aside from longstanding anti-toll advocates Commissioner Tommy Adkisson and State Representative Lyle Larson, what local leaders will step up to the plate and get 281 fixed without tolls as was promised way back in 2001? Who will move heaven and earth to ensure Prop 12 and other revenues don’t slip away due to a three month window the toll authority plans to exploit in its favor? No one has a crystal ball to know how long the clearance process will take once it reaches the feds, but Texas law now gives TxDOT and local entities a way to expedite projects....if they WANT to.  Plus, the feds demonstrated a willingness to fast-track projects with time-sensitive deadlines as they did with the stimulus ‘shovel-ready’ deadlines.

San Antonio has NO representation on the Texas Transportation Commission. Governor Perry appoints the Transportation Commissioners. The Chairwoman, Deirdre Delisi, also happens to be one of the folks named to help run Perry’s presidential campaign. Does anyone else see a huge conflict of interest with the sitting Chair of the Texas Transportation Commission running Perry’s political campaign, especially with Perry’s pay-to-play crony capitalist track record? How easy to steer road contracts to those who Perry might tap to fund his presidential bid.

However, the Speaker of the Texas House, Joe Straus, hails from San Antonio and he virtually controls the pursestrings to the state budget, yet San Antonio continues to get short shrift when it comes to highway funding. As an example, Laredo received $262 million in Prop 14 bonds compared with San Antonio’s $34 million! These types of snubs have gone on for far too long. Could it be because San Antonio has been the one Texas city that has kept toll roads at bay?

One thing’s certain, San Antonio is being discriminated against for not embracing toll taxes, and of the funds it has been getting, they’ve gone to fund everything BUT the biggest congestion problem in the state of Texas, US 281. They’re without excuse. The record shows they’ve sit idly by and let it happen. Now is the time to set our transportation course aright. The failure of our leaders to get this right will most assuredly come back to haunt them.

For more information:

For ranking by Commuter Stress Index:
http://apps.dot.state.tx.us/apps/top_100/list.htm?item=15

For overall ranking of 100 Most Congested Roads by Texas Transportation Institute:
http://apps.dot.state.tx.us/apps/top_100/


Continue reading on Examiner.com US 281 ranks most “stressful” congested road in state of Texas - San Antonio Transportation Policy | Examiner.com http://www.examiner.com/transportation-policy-in-san-antonio/us-281-ranks-most-stressful-congested-road-state-of-texas#ixzz1Xk9KDitK

Perry's NAFTA Superhighway problem

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Rick Perry's NAFTA Superhighway Problem

By Rachel Alexander
8/12/2011
Townhall.com

Move over Mitt Romney. Rick Perry has a bigger problem to defend from his tenure as governor. Remember the NAFTA Superhighway project? It was to consist of a two-mile wide $184 billion transit system of toll roads, rail lines and utilities from the Texas-Mexico border all the way up to the Minnesota-Canadian border, to make it easier to ship foreign goods from China and other countries into North America. It became so unpopular in Texas that the Texas portion of it, called the Trans-Texas Corridor, was renamed and mostly disbanded a couple of years ago. Perry was the only gubernatorial candidate in 2006 of four major candidates who supported it. Even the Democratic candidate opposed it.

Perry’s campaign website lists the Trans-Texas Corridor as one of his accomplishments, “Rather than taking decades to expand these important corridors a little bit at a time, Governor Perry developed the Trans-Texas Corridor plan.”But is it something Perry really wants broadcast as an achievement? The Texas Republican Party’s 2010 platform includes a plank specifically opposing the Trans-Texas Corridor. Some of the opposition to the NAFTA Superhighway has been dismissed as conspiratorial, but loud objections also came from people concerned with border security and one million rural interests and farmers that stood to lose their land to eminent domain.

Construction of the Trans-Texas Corridor began in 2007. Perry received substantial campaign contributions from the companies expected to benefit from the construction, Cintra Concesiones de Infraestructuras de Transport and Zachry Construction Company. Cintra is a Spanish-owned company that would own the toll roads. This arrangement has been accused of being a hidden tax payable to a foreign corporation. Zachry was selected by the Texas Department of Transportation to construct the Trans-Texas Corridor. Perry initially opposed efforts by the Texas legislature to impede the construction, vetoing several bills. As opposition increased, the legislature was finally able to repeal the section of the Transportation code dealing with the Trans-Texas Corridor and pass an eminent domain bill protecting property. The TTC-35 project, a privately built multi-lane toll road, railway and utility line network that was to run parallel to Interstate Highway 35, was canceled. Perry finally backed down in the 2010 Republican primary for governor running against Kay Bailey Hutchinson, and opposed construction of the TTC-35.

NAFTA and expanding free trade sounds good superficially. Unfortunately, it has turned out to be considerably less than free. New York Times best-selling author Jerome Corsi, known for orchestrating the Swift Boat ads targeting John Kerry, wrote a book exposing the NAFTA Superhighway in 2009 called “The Late Great USA: The Coming Merger with Mexico and Canada.” Corsi’s efforts, as well as exposure by Rep. Ron Paul (R-TX) and the website Corsi writes for, WorldNetDaily, may have contributed more to getting the Trans-Texas Corridor shut down than anything else.

Corsi explains in his book that the U.S. is at a disadvantage with “free trade” because unlike most of the world’s international trading countries, we do not charge a value added tax (VAT) to imported goods. This makes our products much more difficult to sell overseas, and other countries’ products much cheaper than ours. The price of union labor drives the costs up even more, making our own products less competitive here as well. This results in a trade imbalance leaving us heavily in debt to other countries, and part of the reason we have a debt ceiling crisis today.

With the economy currently in the tank and nine percent unemployment holding steady, the last thing Americans want is enabling China to sell us more products using cheap exploited labor. Corsi writes that the average age of a worker in a Chinese toy factor is between 12 and 15. The CANAMEX Corridor Coalition, a trade association that supports a transportation super corridor, reports that the average hourly manufacturing wage in the U.S. is $17.20. In Mexico it is $2.10, and in China and India it is $.25.

Furthermore, Corsi has put forth a compelling amount of information in his book showing how the plan to create a North American Union goes well beyond simple free trade agreements and purposely disguises efforts to subvert U.S. sovereignty to an entity that would operate much like the European Union.

Perry is hoping the NAFTA Superhighway quietly fades away. But has it really gone away? The controversial financing mechanism behind it that leases right-of-way to a private company – often Cintra – is still being used for freeways. That funding, known as Comprehensive Development Agreements, was recently used to build a toll road bypass to the Austin area, SH 130, considered part of the Trans-Texas Corridor. Trucks on Interstate 35 are still a big problem during rush hour in Dallas, Austin and San Antonio, so eventually a separate road will need to be built for them similar to what the Trans-Texas Corridor called for. On July 6, the Obama administration struck a deal with Mexico to re-open access to the U.S. for certified Mexican truckers.

Perry already has a record that hurts him with voters concerned about illegal immigration. In April, he stated that he would not support a version of Arizona’s SB 1070 for Texas. In 2001, he signed a bill allowing the children of illegal immigrants to receive in-state tuition at Texas universities. He opposes using E-Verify, the federal electronic system for verifying prospective workers’ immigration status.

Unlike Romney, Perry has not completely disavowed his controversial history as governor. Romney distanced himself from Mass-Care by promising that the first Executive Order he would sign upon becoming president would be a waiver to all 50 states from Obamacare. Perry, on the other hand, proudly lists Trans-Texas Corridor as one of his accomplishments on his website. The state of Texas, multiple factions within the Republican Party, and significant numbers of Democrats oppose the Trans-Texas Corridor. They are not going to sit back and risk repeating an “accomplishment” like this on a national scale. Former president George W. Bush, who was also a Texas governor, was one of the biggest proponents of the NAFTA Superhighway. Voters have the hindsight now to realize that the NAFTA Superhighway is the wrong direction for our country.

Rachel Alexander

Rachel Alexander is the editor of the Intellectual Conservative.

Law professor blasts privatization of roads, parking meters

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Law Review Blasts Toll Road, Parking Meter Privatization
Minnesota Law Review examines the limitations on toll road and parking meter privatization deals.
The Newspaper.com

Julie A. RoinA University of Chicago Law School professor is challenging the prevailing wisdom regarding the sorts of transportation privatization deals that have grown increasingly popular. The Minnesota Law Review last month published a critique by Julie A. Roin that argued such deals have more in common with the medieval practice of tax farming than true privatization. She cited as a primary example Chicago, Illinois Mayor Richard M. Daley's 2008, lease of the city's parking meters to Morgan Stanley for 75 years in return for an up-front payment of $1.2 billion.

"The agreement exchanges future public revenues for present public funds, just like debt," Roin explained. "And just like many debt arrangements, the parking meter deal will leave future ratepayers decidedly worse off... Future ratepayers will be doubly disfavored relative to current residents: they will have to pay higher taxes to maintain the same level of services, even as their disposable income is reduced by the extra parking fees mandated by the agreement."

By the time Daley left office, nearly all of the funds from the one-time payment had been spent, mostly to meet the city's requirement to have a balanced budget. Roin argued that such deals are frequently used to avoid state constitutional restrictions that require voter approval of any substantial new governmental debt obligation.

"Many recent privatization deals have been motivated less by the possibility of achieving efficiency advantages than by politicians' desire to surreptitiously borrow money," Roin wrote. "The upfront payments received by jurisdictions entering into privatization agreements... are, at best, the present value of what would have been future tax (fee) revenue. Rather than true privatization transactions, it is more accurate to describe these deals as loans repayable out of future governmental revenues."

The problem with the debt created by such deals is that they are less flexible and more expensive than conventional forms of debt, such as bonds. They are also significantly less transparent. Traditional debt in the form of publicly traded bonds harnesses market forces to ensure both sides get the best deal possible. Privatization arrangements inherently favor the corporate interest.

"Because of the scale of these transactions, relatively few potential buyers exist for any particular deal," Roin wrote. "This leaves opportunities for collusion or simple underpricing at the expense of the selling entity. In Chicago's parking meter deal, for example, only two bidders vied for the project. Although one can certainly claim that there was a fair public auction of the Chicago parking meter system in that anyone could have entered the auction, the paucity of bidders can also be regarded as a symptom of a defective market, one susceptible to control by insiders or other elites and simply too thin to be trustworthy."

Cities and states also get the worse end of the deal from non-monetary arrangements such a "non-compete" clauses in privatization contracts. These protect private profit at the expense of flexibility in future public policy. Chicago's deal, for example, guarantees the number of parking spaces and hours of operation that apply 75 years in the future. Roin suggested such deals might be discouraged by limiting the length of contract terms to, for example, no more than five years.

"Robbing Peter to pay Paul accomplishes very little when Peter and Paul are the same individual," Roin observed.

Such a simplistic limitation, however, would likely lead to governments not getting the best deals for certain long-term transactions. Roin suggested better legislation would protect future taxpayers by forcing any such deals to escrow funds equal to the amount of taxes or fees that would have been generated by the leased asset. These funds would be released year-by-year so that the present generation would not be borrowing from a future generation. Roin argued that without some limitation, such deals would grow more intrusive.

"In the not-so-eventual future, jurisdictions may even 'sell' the rights to collect property and income taxes to investors alleging better collection techniques and expressing a willingness to accept the risk that future revenues will fall," Roin wrote.

Source: Privatization and the Sale of Tax Revenues (Minnesota Law Review, 7/7/2011)

Perry using gas taxes to pay for security detail

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"While Perry pays for most of his travel from his campaign account and donated funds, costs for the security detail are paid largely out of the state highway fund, derived from a gasoline tax and vehicle registration fees."

So as Rick Perry gallivants around the country running for President, he's spending our scarce gas taxes to pay for his security detail, gas taxes he claims have run out and can longer keep up with paying for roads. Perry has used this argument to justify charging Texans new toll taxes to access their public roads, including selling Texas sovereign roads to foreign entities and slapping tolls on existing roads. Perry is conveniently starving Texans' gas taxes that are needed for roads by using them to fund his security detail on the campaign trail instead of working in his office in Texas where security costs aren't near as costly to taxpayers. More hypocrisy from a man who claims to be a 'fiscal conservative.'

Who’s paying Perry’s security costs?

By Sari Horwitz
Washington Post
Saturday, Aug 27, 2011

Since Rick Perry joined the presidential race this month, his campaign entourage has included not just the standard array of political advisers and aides, but a squad of Texas law enforcement agents.

The security forces scout and secure locations days in advance. Well before the governor’s visit to Tommy’s Country Ham House in Greenville, S.C., the weekend of Aug. 20, more than a half-dozen suited and armed agents were giving orders to the crowd of more than 400.

How much is this ever-present phalanx of state policemen costing the taxpayers of Texas? They won’t know at least until after next year’s presidential election, thanks to a provision, tucked into a school finance bill in July, that will keep the governor’s travel records sealed for 18 months.

Although security around public officials has been tightened considerably since the Sept. 11, 2001, terror attacks, the secrecy that surrounds Perry’s travels is unique, according to Ken Bunting, executive director of the Missouri-based National Freedom of Information Coalition.

And the governor’s critics contend that it has as much to do with politics as safety — especially after the embarrassment for Perry when taxpayers learned that they had been paying for scuba gear and golf cart rentals for officers who accompanied Perry and his wife to the Bahamas in 2004.

“I’m appalled,” said Democratic state Rep. Lon Burnam. “He wants to keep the details buried when he goes to the Bahamas.”

Indeed, this is a battle that has been raging since long before Perry decided to run for president.

Texas newspapers have tried for years to see Perry’s travel records, which would include the costs of the governor’s security detail. But the state Department of Public Safety, run by Steve McCraw, a former FBI official and a longtime Perry friend, has said that the safety of Perry and his family could be jeopardized if the public knew how many officers accompany them, where they stay and Perry’s traveling patterns.

After the Houston Chronicle, San Antonio Express and Austin American-Statesman sued the DPS, two Texas courts ruled that the records should be released. They were overturned last month by the state Supreme Court. But the case is still alive: the Supreme Court sent it back to a lower court, ordering DPS to cite precisely which records would put Perry in danger if they were released.

In the meantime, during a special session that ended July 1, the Texas Legislature, at Perry’s urging, added language to a school finance bill that will seal the governor’s travel records for 18 months — until after the 2012 presidential election. The measure would cover the records going forward, not those in the past, which have been the subject of the court fight.

One Republican legislator, who spoke on condition of anonymity, described the governor as “extremely concerned” about keeping his records sealed, and said Perry was actively lobbying key legislators to get it passed in the waning days of the special session. The legislator said Perry’s wife, Anita, also was pressing legislators on the issue.

The move to seal the records has drawn criticism from Republicans as well as Democrats.

“The money belongs to the people of Texas and they need to have an account of it,” said state Rep. David Simpson (R), a freshman from Longview who was elected with tea party backing. “You can do this without jeopardizing security.”

State officials say they do provide summaries of the information for an array of top officials, but not the specifics, citing security concerns.

“The governor believes that we need to strike the right balance of transparency and accountability to taxpayers while maintaining a priority on security,” said Catherine Frazier, a spokeswoman for Perry.

Before Perry’s travel records were sealed, Texas newspapers were able to shed some light on his travel and the cost to taxpayers, including the Bahamas trip.

The records, reported in 2005 by the Austin American-Statesman, showed that Perry and staff members had traveled the previous year to the Bahamas for a meeting with top campaign donor James Leininger, a supporter of public school vouchers and charter schools, his wife, and Grover Norquist, a national anti-tax advocate. The records showed $4,200 in taxpayer money was spent for the squad of six state troopers who went along, including costs for renting scuba gear, golf cars and cellphones, according to the newspaper.

Perry said later that the trip was to discuss education policy and finance with his political and technical advisers “in a setting removed from daily distractions.”

In 2009, Perry traveled to Israel where he was given the “Defender of Jerusalem” award. According to a local television report, he and his wife flew first class at more than $5,000 per ticket, paid for by an energy company financier. Four security detail officers also went on the five-day trip at a cost of more than $70,000 to taxpayers. The expenses included $17,000 for rooms at the King David Hotel, nearly $13,000 for food and more than 350 hours in overtime pay.

Perry has said in the past that most of his frequent international travel has been to promote Texas and draw business to the state.

Open-records advocates in Texas say taxpayers have a right to know the costs of Perry’s security detail and the trips, especially long after the travel has occurred.

“The Perry administration is trying to hide the true cost of his out-of-state travel to the taxpayer,” said Craig McDonald of Texans for Public Justice.

State Rep. Charlie Geren (R), the House Administration Committee chairman, said the provision to seal the records came largely at the insistence of DPS head McCraw. McCraw was appointed to his post by a commission of Perry appointees shortly after a fire was set at the governor’s mansion in 2008.

The fire, which almost destroyed the 153-year-old mansion, was started by an unidentified person who tossed a Molotov cocktail on the front porch. No one was in the home, which had been closed for renovation.

While Perry pays for most of his travel from his campaign account and donated funds, costs for the security detail are paid largely out of the state highway fund, derived from a gasoline tax and vehicle registration fees.

This email address is being protected from spambots. You need JavaScript enabled to view it.

Staff writers Philip Rucker and Karen Tumulty and news researcher Alice Crites contributed to this report.

Perry's crony capitalism problem & 'jobs' claims

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Link to article here.

More reasons to question Rick Perry's fitness to lead the free world....three articles appear below, two on Perry's crony capitalism and another on Perry's claims regarding job creation -- most of the jobs created were public sector government jobs, not private sector jobs.

Rick Perry's Crony Capitalism Problem

The presidential candidate's signature economic development initiative has raised questions among conservatives.

By  CHARLES DAMERON

Wall Street Journal
August 13, 2011

Gov. Rick Perry's presidential pitch goes something like this: During one of the worst recessions in American history, he's kept his state "open for business." In the last two years, Texas created over a quarter of a million jobs, meaning that the state's 8% unemployment rate is substantially lower than the rest of the nation's. The governor credits this exceptional growth to things like low taxes and tort reform.

It's a strong message. But one of the governor's signature economic development initiatives—the Texas Emerging Technology Fund—has lately raised serious questions among some conservatives.

The Emerging Technology Fund was created at Mr. Perry's behest in 2005 to act as a kind of public-sector venture capital firm, largely to provide funding for tech start-ups in Texas. Since then, the fund has committed nearly $200 million of taxpayer money to fund 133 companies. Mr. Perry told a group of CEOs in May that the fund's "strategic investments are what's helping us keep groundbreaking innovations in the state." The governor, together with the lieutenant governor and the speaker of the Texas House, enjoys ultimate decision-making power over the fund's investments.

Among the companies that the Emerging Technology Fund has invested in is Convergen LifeSciences, Inc. It received a $4.5 million grant last year—the second largest grant in the history of the fund. The founder and executive chairman of Convergen is David G. Nance.

In 2009, when Mr. Nance submitted his application for a $4.5 million Emerging Technology Fund grant for Convergen, he and his partners had invested only $1,000 of their own money into their new company, according to documentation prepared by the governor's office in February 2010. But over the years, Mr. Nance managed to invest a lot more than $1,000 in Mr. Perry. Texas Ethics Commission records show that Mr. Nance donated $75,000 to Mr. Perry's campaigns between 2001 and 2006.

 
 
The regional panel that reviewed Convergen's application turned down the company's $4.5 million request when it presented its proposal on Oct. 7, 2009. But Mr. Nance appealed that decision directly to a statewide advisory committee (of which Mr. Nance was once a member) appointed by Mr. Perry. Just eight days later, on Oct. 15, a subcommittee unanimously recommended approval by the full statewide committee. On Oct. 29, the full advisory committee unanimously recommended the approval of Convergen's application. When asked why the advisory committee felt comfortable recommending Convergen's grant, Lucy Nashed, a spokesperson for Mr. Perry, said that the committee "thoroughly vetted the company."

Starting in 2008, Mr. Perry also appropriated approximately $2 million in federal taxpayer money through the auspices of the Wagner-Peyser Act—a federal works program founded during the New Deal and overseen in Texas by Mr. Perry's office—to a nonprofit launched by Mr. Nance called Innovate Texas. The nonprofit was meant to help entrepreneurs by linking them to investors. It began receiving funding on Dec. 31, 2008, soon after Mr. Nance's previous company, Introgen Therapeutics, declared bankruptcy on Dec. 3. According to state records, Mr. Nance paid himself $250,000 for the two years he ran Innovate Texas. Innovate Texas, whose listed phone number is not a working number, could not be reached for comment. (Two phone calls left for Mr. Nance at Convergen's offices went unreturned.)

ThromboVision, Inc., a medical imaging company, was also the recipient of an award from the Emerging Technology Fund: It received $1.5 million in 2007. Charles Tate, a major Perry contributor, served as the chairman of a state committee that reviewed ThromboVision's application for state funding, and Mr. Tate voted to give ThromboVision the public money. One month after ThromboVision received notification that it would receive a $1.5 million state grant in April 2007, Mr. Tate invested his own money in ThromboVision, according to the Dallas Morning News. The Texas paper later found that by 2010 Mr. Tate owned a total of 200,000 preferred shares in ThromboVision.

pd0623
Associated Press
Texas Gov. Rick Perry

to a Texas state auditor's report, ThromboVision failed to submit required annual reports to the fund from 2008 through 2010, when the company went bankrupt. The report noted the tech fund's managers were "unaware of ThromboVision, Inc.'s bankruptcy until after the bankruptcy had been reported in a newspaper." ThromboVision's bankruptcy filing revealed not only that Mr. Tate had been a preferred shareholder in ThromboVision, but so had prominent Perry supporter Charles Miller, who owned 250,000 preferred shares in the company and has donated $125,000 to the governor's campaigns. Three phone calls and an email seeking Mr. Tate's side of the story went unreturned.
All told, the Dallas Morning News has found that some $16 million from the tech fund has gone to firms in which major Perry contributors were either investors or officers, and $27 million from the fund has gone to companies founded or advised by six advisory board members. The tangle of interests surrounding the fund has raised eyebrows throughout the state, especially among conservatives who think the fund is a misplaced use of taxpayer dollars to start with.

"It is fundamentally immoral and arrogant," says state representative David Simpson, a tea party-backed freshman from Longview, two hours east of Dallas. The fund "opened the door to the appearance of impropriety, if not actual impropriety."

In April, the state auditor's office called for greater transparency in the fund's management, and some legislators began looking for ways that the fund might be reformed. With the state facing a $27 billion budget shortfall in the last legislative session, Mr. Simpson filed a motion in the Texas House in May to shutter the fund and redirect the money to other portions of the budget. That measure passed 89-37 to cheers from the chamber. But the fund was kept alive by the legislature's conference committee. The fund currently has $140 million to spend, according to the governor's office.

Michael Quinn Sullivan, the president of Texans for Fiscal Responsibility, sees in the Emerging Technology Fund a classic example of the perils of government pork. "The problem with these kinds of funds is that even when they're used with the best of intentions, it looks bad," says Mr. Sullivan. "You're taking from the average taxpayer and giving to someone who has a connection with government officials."

Mr. Dameron is a Robert L. Bartley Fellow at the Journal.

___________________________________________________________________

Link to article here.

Rick Perry, Big Government, and Big Business
byTimothy P. Carney Senior Political Columnist
Washington Examiner
August 15, 2011
Follow on Twitter:@tpcarney


"Pro-business" doesn't always equal pro-free-market, as Rick Perry's record shows.

We already know about the time Perry mandated the vaccine Gardasil for all teenage girls, at the time his former chief of staff was a lobbyist for Gardasil's maker, Merck. Charles Dameron at the Wall Street Journal recounts another crony-capitalist element in Perry's jobs agenda:

The Emerging Technology Fund was created at Mr. Perry's behest in 2005 to act as a kind of public-sector venture capital firm, largely to provide funding for tech start-ups in Texas. Since then, the fund has committed nearly $200 million of taxpayer money to fund 133 companies. Mr. Perry told a group of CEOs in May that the fund's "strategic investments are what's helping us keep groundbreaking innovations in the state." The governor, together with the lieutenant governor and the speaker of the Texas House, enjoys ultimate decision-making power over the fund's investments.

All told, the Dallas Morning News has found that some $16 million from the tech fund has gone to firms in which major Perry contributors were either investors or officers, and $27 million from the fund has gone to companies founded or advised by six advisory board members. The tangle of interests surrounding the fund has raised eyebrows throughout the state, especially among conservatives who think the fund is a misplaced use of taxpayer dollars to start with.

Of course, Mitt Romney has similar problems. And Barack Obama? Well, he's got enough corporatism and crony capitalism to fill a book.

___________________________________________________________________

Link to article here.

CHART OF THE DAY: *Government* Jobs Led To Perry’s Economic Boom

Brian Beutler | August 17, 2011, 2:23PM

Talking Points Memo

 
Gov. Rick Perry (R-TX)
Read More

Jared Bernstein, Jobs, Rick Perry, Stimulus, Texas

On the campaign trail, governor Rick Perry will claim credit for the so-called Texas miracle. His state weathered the housing and jobs crises better than many others, and he'll happily tell voters it was the result of his small government conservative approach to running things.

But his state's relative success has a lot to do with things out of his control -- population growth resulting from an influx of immigrants from Mexico and of workers and retirees from other U.S. states, and high oil company profits, to name just a couple. Oh, and also federal stimulus.

What's that you say?!

Despite being one of the loudest critics of President Obama's stimulus, Perry used billions of dollars of federal money to patch Texas' budget shortfalls, and was thus able to create and maintain lots and lots of public sector jobs. In fact, if you look at net job creation between 2007 and 2010, it's clear the only thing keeping Texas buoyant was government jobs.

Check out the below chart from Jared Bernstein -- a fiscal policy expert at the Center on Budget and Policy Priorities, and former chief economist to the stimulus bill's top cop, Vice President Joe Biden. It shows pretty conclusively that the recession cost Texas 178,000 private sector jobs -- a fairly small share for a populous state, when you consider that crisis cost the country many millions. But in the same period, it added 125,000 public sector jobs -- nearly half of all government jobs created in this period nationwide. Put together, the Texas has only lost 53,000 jobs total during the downturn.


As Bernstein notes this "shows Texas to be following a traditional Keynesian game plan: as the private sector contracts, turn to the public sector to temporarily make up part of the difference."

Additionally, Perry's papered over some looming budget gaps with fancy paperwork, and unless he or the next governor take steps (like raising taxes) to balance the books, he'll have to cut spending (read: public sector jobs) and many of his gains will have proved illusory.

That's doesn't match Perry's private market, anti-government rhetoric very well, which is why he and his supporters will shout "Texas miracle!" if they're confronted with these facts, to obscure the underlying reality.

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Open Letter to Rush & Hannity: Steer clear of Rick Perry

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Note: Sean Hannity went on a tirade against toll hikes in New York and New Jersey. Then in the same show praised Rick Perry as a conservative. Rush has been on the Perry bandwagon along with Glenn Beck. Either these guys don't vet a candidate's conservative credentials before they back 'em or they're going along with the establishment that truly fears an outsider they can't control, like a Ron Paul type of candidate.

Dear Hannity, Limbaugh, and Beck,

There's something you've got to know. I'm a Texan, and Rick Perry is the BIGGEST toll-tax happy Governor in the nation. He's trying to turn every single lane of a highway near my house into a tollway and make us pay TWICE for what's already built and paid for. He's doing it all over Texas with over 500 toll projects being contemplated RIGHT NOW, while he tries to tell America he's cut taxes.

Even worse, he's trying to sell-off our public highway system to foreign companies in public private partnerships or PPPs (right out of the the Agenda 21 playbook). PPPs are sweetheart deals with massive taxpayer subsidies (that socialize the losses and privatize the profits) and charge us 75 cents PER MILE to access our PUBLIC roads.

On one road in DFW that translates to $13/day in new taxes or over $3,000 a year MORE per year just to get to work. Meanwhile, he signed a budget that INCREASED diversions of our state gas taxes to non-road uses (fuel taxes are supposed to be Constitutionally dedicated fund only for roads, so he's violated the Texas Constitution!). That same budget was 'balanced' using accounting gimmicks putting payments to Medicaid and schools into the next budget year to get them off this budget’s books and make it look ‘balanced,’ plus he’s amassed a whopping $31 billion in road debt in just 5 years -- meanwhile State spending has nearly doubled on Rick Perry's watch...yet he claims to be all about upholding the Constitution and purports himself to be a fiscal conservative.

And all this is aside from his biggest albatross....the Trans Texas Corridor. It was to be a 4,000 mile network of toll roads 1,200 feet wide (that's FOUR football fields wide - would have bisected whole communities and displaced 1 million people on just the first corridor) and the biggest land grab in TX history forcibly taking 580,000 acres of private Texans' land and handing it over to a foreign company in one of these PPPs for a HALF CENTURY. Texans rebelled and the legislature finally repealed it, but Perry still lists it as one of his many accomplishments.

If you don't like the unaccountable taxation of toll roads (in the hands of unelected bureaucrats no less), then you won't like Rick Perry. Steer clear. Then there's his corporate welfare slush funds, the HPV vaccine mandate (as a pay-off to campaign donor Merck and its lobbyist, a former Perry staffer Mike Toomey), his weakness on illegal immigration and securing our borders, the revolving door between his aides and those doing business with the state, steering public money and high level appointments to his campaign donors, and the list goes on and on. Perry's rhetoric doesn't match his record.

If you want more info, we Texans have formed a grassroots organization established to fight this stuff: www.TexasTURF.org.

Rick Perry tied to Agenda 21, globalist policies

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Public Private Partnerships

Rick Perry tied to Agenda 21, globalist policies
Selling Texas to foreign creditors while jabbing Obama for same
By Terri Hall
Founder
Texans Uniting for Reform and Freedom
August 15, 2011

Rick Perry may be good at invoking states rights and property rights, while disavowing ‘foreign creditors,’ but his actions as Texas’ longest serving governor tell a different story. Public private partnerships (or P3s) are part and parcel of the United Nations’ Agenda 21. Two of the purposes of Agenda 21 are to abolish private property and restrict mobility and P3s act as the vehicle to do it. Perry made P3s a centerpiece of his transportation policy since he stepped in as governor.

It started with the Trans Texas Corridor, known at the federal level as high priority corridors, corridors of the future, or the NAFTA superhighways. Just in Texas, it was to be a 4,000 mile multi-modal network of toll roads, rail lines, power transmission lines, pipelines, telecommunications lines and more. It was going to be financed, operated, and controlled by a foreign company granted massive swaths of land 1,200 feet (4 football fields) wide taken forcibly through eminent domain.

Called the biggest land grab in Texas history, it was going to gobble up 580,000 acres of private Texas land (the first corridor alone was to displace 1 million Texans) and hand it over to well-connected global players using P3s, who would gain exclusive rights to determine the route and what hotels, restaurants, and gas stations were along the corridor in a government-sanctioned monopoly for a half century. It was the worst case of eminent domain for private gain ever conceived.

Property rights shredded
The Trans Texas Corridor, and P3s in general, represent an imminent threat to private property rights. While lawmakers repealed the Trans Texas Corridor from state statute only months ago due to the public backlash, the re-named corridor (‘Innovative Connectivity Plan’) and its threat to property rights lives on through P3s. Two such projects underway by a Spanish developer, Cintra, will charge Texans 75 cents per mile in tolls (nearly $13 a day while Perry claims he hasn’t raised taxes or indebted Texans to foreign creditors) to access lanes on two public interstates -- I-635 and I-820. A third project being developed by the same company for two segments on SH 130 is, perhaps, the only leg of the Trans Texas Corridor TTC-35 project that will ever be built.

While Perry distracted Texans and tea partiers with ‘emergency’ resolutions on state sovereignty during the 82nd legislature, P3s spread from transportation projects to virtually every other type of public infrastructure in a bill, SB 1048, passed by the Texas legislature which he signed into law June 17. Now all public infrastructure, including public buildings, schools, nursing homes, ports, mass transit, etc. can be auctioned-off to private interests in long-term sweetheart deals with taxpayer subsidies and profit guarantees using P3s.

P3s give a private corporation the power to tax the public, whether through charging tolls or other so-called ‘user fees,’ to access their own public infrastructure, and, perhaps more insidious,  allowing well-connected private entities to profit from concessions on land taken through eminent domain.

Why shouldn’t the original landowner be able to profit from developing his/her land instead of having the government take it in the name of a “public use” and give it to another developer, one with government connections? Perry’s administration of P3s is like his administration of his Emerging Technology Fund that’s been highly criticized for steering taxpayer money to Perry’s campaign donors -- a case in point, Dan Shelley.

Shelley worked for Cintra, who had its sites set on developing the Trans Texas Corridor. Shelley lands a job as Perry’s aide, steers the $7 billion corridor P3 to his former employer Cintra, then goes back to work for Cintra. That’s how Perry does business -- pay to play.

Texas “Open for Business”
While Perry is staking his campaign on Texas being the top net jobs creator, Perry’s version of Texas being “Open for Business” isn’t about low taxes and less regulation as much as it is about doing business with foreign companies, including selling off Texas’ sovereign land and public assets to foreign creditors, an issue which Perry’s first television ad uses to take aim at President Obama.

Aside from the P3s, Texas has 20 active deals going with the Chinese and has 32 foreign trade zones (FTZs), a vehicle to ease the flow of foreign goods into the United States that are chalk full of tax breaks for importers. Perry’s office promoted these FTZs in a document entitled Foreign Trade Zones: Texas Wide Open for Business and even dedicates a web site for Texas FTZs, www.TexasWideOpenForBusiness.com.

A recent Washington Post article documents Perry’s work to get Chinese government-owned telecommunications company Huawei, to base its U.S. operations in Texas, a company that the U.S. government has deemed a threat to national security noting that “three times since 2008, a U.S. government security panel has blocked Huawei from acquiring or partnering with U.S. companies because of concerns that secrets could be leaked to China’s government or military.”

Perry’s coziness with the Chinese and foreign investors exposes a huge weakness in his right flank -- illegal immigration and open borders. The Trans Texas Corridor has been linked to the global plan to economically integrate North America, with the eventual goal of a common security perimeter modeled after the European Union. Perry ushered in in-state tuition for illegals and has long been an obstacle to immigration reform or any Arizona-style immigration law.

Perry’s record paints a much different picture than what candidate Perry would have us believe -- that he’s a states rights, Constitutionally limited government conservative that’s responsible for the “Texas miracle.” In reality, he’s more like an Agenda 21 globalist willing to sell America to the highest bidder.


Continue reading on Examiner.com Rick Perry tied to Agenda 21, globalist policies - San Antonio Transportation Policy | Examiner.com http://www.examiner.com/transportation-policy-in-san-antonio/rick-perry-tied-to-agenda-21-globalist-policies#ixzz1V8WLRtO9

Subcategories

Eminent Domain

Trans Texas Corridor

Public Private Partnerships

Regional Mobility Authority

Metropolitan Planning Organization

Climate Policy

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